The central government has, using its majority in the Lok Sabha, pushed through a Bill to replace the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). The proposed draft — an outright “adhikar chori (rights theft”) Bill — seeks to change the very nature of MGNREGA, the present Act. While the Bill is a direct assault on the rights of the rural working poor, it should be seen in the framework of an attack on the Constitution of India. This is why it must go to the Standing Committee of Parliament.
Article 41 of the Constitution states: “The State shall, within the limits of its economic capacity and development, make effective provision for securing the right to work….” In the Constituent Assembly, there was a strong difference of opinion between those who were influenced by socialist ideals who wanted the right to work included as a fundamental right, and the strong capitalist lobby who opposed it. Ultimately, it was included in the Directive Principles of the Constitution. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had described this as a “ novel feature”, asserting that though these Directive Principles were not justiciable, they were to be considered as “instruments of instruction” for lawmakers and as “essential for economic democracy”. Pro-socialist member K.T. Shah had then described this as “pious wishes”. Shah’s words resonate through these years of capitalist “development” in the lived experience of the unemployed and the denial of work opportunities.
The critical role of the Left
It took a five-and-a-half decade struggle by working people and dramatic political developments to ensure a policy shift that was somewhat closer to the Directive Principles, and, more specifically, the right to work. In the 2004 general election, the Bharatiya Janata Party was defeated by the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance but without a majority, leading to a situation where, for the first time, the central government was dependent on the support of Left parties. Importantly, the Left parties led by the CPI(M) had fought the elections independently on their own programme and strength. MGNREGA was possible because of this political configuration. The Left parties played a critical role in the shaping of the final law adopted unanimously by Parliament in 2005.
The law is a partial recognition of the right to work and the acceptance of the responsibility of the state to ensure an increased share of national resources for the provision of work at a minimum wage. The law guarantees a minimum of 100 days of work throughout the year to a rural household and is universal, open to all adults (men and women) who volunteer for manual labour. Most importantly, the law is based on fulfilling the demand for work, which is not static and can increase or decrease according to the requirement of rural households. There is a deep democratic content in this. If a household has better choices for employment, it has the right to exercise that choice while retaining the fallback provided by MGNREGA. The law guarantees equal wages for men and women, with the entire wage bill to be paid by the central government.
The State governments, under the law, bear some financial responsibility of around 10% and have a say in the design of schemes and their implementation in tune with the needs of the State.
Panchayats have both a right and a responsibility to identify and design projects required in the areas under their jurisdiction. This demand-driven universally applicable law was probably the first of its kind in the capitalist world.
An erasure of fundamental features
The Narendra Modi government, with its partners, the Telugu Desam Party and the Janata Dal (United) as drum beaters, scraps all these fundamental features in its draft Bill. It will no longer be demand driven, but determined by “normative financial allocations” decided by the central government. The Centre will legally have no obligation now if expenditure exceeds this allocation. The States, already in financial crisis because of the unjust denial of their share in central tax revenues, are being saddled with 40% of the cost. The Bill is highly centralised and everything — from the design of projects to digitalised audits — will be controlled by the central government. These features are a direct assault on the federal character of the Constitution.
The class bias in favour of the rural rich is blatantly displayed in the clause in the Bill which prohibits any work under the proposed law during the peak agricultural season. With increased mechanisation in agriculture, workdays have drastically reduced. The work pattern of MGNREGA shows that it is only when agricultural work is not available and when wages paid are below MGNREGA standards that workers opt for MGNREGA in the peak season.
The prohibition will reduce the bargaining capacity of rural workers, who, in the absence of MGNREGA, will be forced to accept terms and conditions set by big landowners. This will affect women who get lower wages than men in agriculture. The law legalises Aadhaar card linkage, online digitally recorded attendance as a condition for eligibility and wage payment. This is despite ample evidence that such conditions including poor connectivity have victimised workers.
Using the acronym G Ram G, as the name of the law (Viksit Bharat-G RAM G Bill 2025), is a low- level manoeuvre to appeal to believers. But when crores of people will shout ‘G-Ram-G murdabad’ against the law, it may hurt sentiments and backfire on the government.
A reflection of distress
Those of us who have worked closely with MGNREGA workers know the difficult conditions in which people work. In some cases women have to lift up to 3,000 kilograms of mud a day to fulfil the productivity norm. Yet, if they make up well over 50% of MGNREGA workers in most States, it is surely a reflection of deep agrarian distress and the lack of a better alternative.
Adivasis constitute around 8.6% of the population. But among MGNREGA workers, according to last year’s figures, they are as high as 18% and Scheduled Castes make up 19%. Therefore, over two- thirds of workers belong to social categories protected by the Constitution. Any reversal of their
rights is an attack on the Constitution. But even their representation in the redress/advisory councils has been eliminated in the draft law.
Since 2014, the Narendra Modi government has diluted and starved MGNREGA of funds even as it has greatly increased tax concessions and write-offs to corporates. While the number of workers increased from around two crores in the early days to over 7.7 crore workers now, the expenditures have stagnated or declined — never over 0.2% of GDP. In 2024-25, 8.9 crore workers demanded work but only 7.9 crore workers got work — 99 lakh workers were turned away. Wage arrears have mounted — sometimes up to ₹8,000 crore. On an average, households have got less than 50 days of work instead of 100 days. The farce of promising 125 days in the proposed draft rubs salt into the wound. But if people keep coming to MGNREGA sites it is because they have no alternative — such is the desperation and instability in the lives of India’s rural poor.
That lifeline, instead of being strengthened, is now being cut. The Directive Principles of the Constitution are being bulldozed. Shame on this government.
This article is republished from The Left Views under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
