In recent years, the presence and influence of far-right movements have been the subject of increasing academic and public scrutiny. Yet, the nature of this mobilisation is often misunderstood, especially when it takes root far from its ideological heartlands.
This new study challenges the assumption that ideology is the most effective lens through which to identify and understand far-right networks. Instead, the authors propose a materialist approach: tracing funding, institutional relationships, personnel overlaps, and organisational affiliations. By doing so, they uncover a network of Hindu diaspora organisations in Australia that may not always express explicit ideological commitments, but which nonetheless play significant roles in supporting the global Hindu far-right.
“Hindutva is essentially a caste Hindusupremacist ideology with elements of religious intolerance against Muslims, Christians,Dalits, Adivasis and others.”
Challenging the Ideological Litmus Test
Traditionally, far-right mobilisations have been identified by their open adherence to authoritarianism, nativism, and xenophobia. However, in liberal multicultural societies like Australia, many such organisations mask their affiliations behind the language of harmony, diversity and cultural education to avoid scrutiny. Moreover, because of this masking, many of their members may not even be aware of these affiliations, and many may not have substantial ideological commitments to the mobilisaiton.
Using social network analysis and archival research, the authors demonstrate how seemingly benign community organisations – such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad of Australia (VHPA), Hindu Council of Australia (HCA), and Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS Australia) – are structurally tied to the Indian Hindu nationalist network known as the Sangh Parivar, led by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
“Diaspora branches of the VHP carefully avoid overt displays of Hindutva. Instead theymobilise primarily through cultural, educational and service activities for Hindu chil-dren, youth and families that penetrate spaces as diverse as temples, migrant communityorganisations, ethnic media outlets and university campuses.”
Though these organisations publicly endorse multiculturalism, the researchers show that their leaders attend RSS-linked events, host ideologues associated with anti-minority rhetoric, and maintain close organisational ties with groups engaged in violence and discrimination in India.
Multicultural Facades and Transnational Reach
In Australia, many of these organisations have secured government funding, participate in Special Religious Education in schools, and are active in youth and cultural outreach. The VHPA, for example, has received more than $750,000 in public funding and is a registered charity. Its website and public activities promote values like peace and social cohesion. Yet its global parent body, the VHP, has long been linked to anti-minority riots and sectarian violence in India.
“How did Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which is a right-wing Hindu organisation that is considered a military extremist religious organisation by the CIA, find themselves in New South Wales public schools? … Is anyone checking whether or not extremist, hate-filled material is part of the course” – David Shoebridge, New South Wales Parliament, 2021
The authors argue that these contradictions are not anomalies but defining features of how the Hindu far-right adapts to liberal democracies. By portraying themselves as community service organisations, these groups avoid scrutiny while building transnational legitimacy for Hindutva – a supremacist ideology that seeks to define India as a Hindu-only nation.
Mapping the Network
The paper maps an intricate web of Australian organisations connected through overlapping leadership, joint events, shared infrastructure, and ideological mentorship. From youth training programs to elder care centres, from language schools to cultural festivals, these nodes feed into a larger ecosystem that ultimately channels support – financial, reputational, and political – back to Hindutva-aligned entities in India.
Other organisations examined include Sewa International Australia, Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation Australia, and the Overseas Friends of BJP, all of which have well-documented links to the Sangh. In many cases, financial flows and personnel exchanges with India further substantiate these connections.
Beyond Australia: A Global Phenomenon
The authors also draw parallels with the United States and United Kingdom, where similar networks of ostensibly charitable or cultural organisations have funnelled millions of dollars to Hindutva-aligned groups in India. Drawing on reports such as Foreign Exchange of Hate (2002) and HAF Way to Supremacy (2024), they show that Australia’s diaspora mobilisation mirrors these trends.
Implications for Policy and Public Debate
The authors caution against simplistic binaries of extremist versus moderate, or religious versus political. They argue that the methods used to track far-right movements must evolve to consider covert influence, networked operations, and the strategic use of multicultural vocabularies.
Their work has profound implications for multicultural policy, national security, and the role of civil society in Australia. In particular, it raises questions about how public funds are allocated, how faith-based organisations are vetted, and how diasporic politics shape domestic institutions.
Together, their work offers a timely and critical intervention into how we understand the global far-right, and the subtle, often hidden ways it finds legitimacy and power in liberal democracies.
Read the full report at tandfonline.com.
